The Professor of Digital Governance and Director at the Centre for Digital Governance discusses her new book, Governing Digital China, which offers a fresh perspective on China’s digital governance. Moving beyond the “Big Brother” narrative, the book explores the complex relationship between the state, tech companies, and citizens, and its implications for global digital governance.
As digital governance becomes an increasingly global issue, China’s evolving model demands closer and more nuanced examination. Daniela Stockmann, Professor of Digital Governance and Director of the Hertie School’s Centre for Digital Governance, explores this in her new book Governing Digital China, co-authored with Professor Ting Luo at the University of Birmingham.
Together, they move beyond the familiar “Big Brother” narrative to offer a more complex account of how state power, technology companies and citizen engagement intersect. The authors introduce the concept of popular corporatism to capture the distinctive dynamics of digital governance under authoritarianism – neither wholly top-down nor purely repressive.
In this interview, we explore how this framework sheds light on China’s digital governance, its potential global relevance across regime types, and what it means for scholars and policymakers grappling with the future of digitalisation.
Professor Stockmann, in your book, you challenge the popular perception of China’s digital governance as Orwellian and purely top-down. Instead, you introduce the concept of “popular corporatism” to describe a more complex dynamic between the state, tech companies and citizens. Could you explain what you mean by this concept in the specific context of China and how it reshapes our understanding of digital governance in authoritarian regimes?
Most public and scholarly discussions about China focus on censorship and digital surveillance – often concluding that the Chinese state controls tech companies and, possibly through censorship, manipulates users. This reflects what we call the “command and control” logic.
What we find empirically, based on studies of social media platforms and the social credit system, is that while top-down control does exist – through mechanisms such as the Great Firewall and regulatory constraints – the reality is more complex. In practice, Chinese tech companies also push back. The state increasingly depends on these firms to implement governance tasks, and given this, big tech companies like Alibaba enjoy more leeway and power to resist, for example, by delaying or refusing to share data.
We also find that citizens, while individually limited, can collectively influence platforms. When large numbers of people shift away from a service – as we’ve seen with platforms like Twitter – it pressures companies to respond. Since their value to the state lies in user data and infrastructure, these platforms must remain attractive and functional for citizens, which in turn allows for user influence.
Watch the panel discussion on Governing Digital China, held at Columbia University, below.
Governing Digital China not only offers a theoretical framework for understanding China’s model of data governance but also underscores its growing international influence. In your view, how might China’s approach reshape global standards around digital governance? Could popular corporatism become an exportable model, or is it uniquely tied to China’s political system? And more broadly, why and in what ways should ordinary citizens in Europe, or in different regions of the world, pay attention to how China governs its digital sphere?
In both public and academic discourse, three main models of digital governance are often discussed: the US model, which grants significant autonomy to tech companies; the Chinese model, usually viewed as its opposite, characterised by strong state control; and the EU’s more process-based approach, positioned in between, exemplified by new regulations like the Digital Services Act.
Understanding China’s model is crucial – not only because it’s influential within China, but because it’s becoming increasingly attractive to other governments, especially authoritarian ones.
Our book takes a comparative perspective. We look at how popular Chinese platforms such as TikTok and Alipay operate internationally and raise concerns that these companies may interact with foreign governments in ways similar to how they work with the Chinese state.
More broadly, we argue that popular corporatism is not unique to China; it is a phenomenon that is also prevalent in other countries. Similar dynamics could emerge between US or Russian companies and authoritarian regimes. In this vein, we’re being asked whether the Chinese model might apply to where the US is heading. Although it’s too soon to confirm this, the model could serve as a useful framework for understanding future developments.
Lastly, from an academic and policy perspective, how might China’s model challenge dominant assumptions in liberal democracies about digital governance? What new theoretical or regulatory questions does it raise for scholars and policymakers?
I think one of the most interesting characteristics of the Chinese model of digital governance is its clear and centralised vision. Unlike in many liberal democracies, where responses tend to focus on issues such as online hate speech or disinformation, China’s model presents a coherent, long-term digital vision closely aligned with its political objectives – particularly technological advancement under continued one-party rule.
In our book, we avoid taking a polarising stance – we’re neither “dragon slayers” who harshly criticise China, nor “panda huggers” who celebrate the model uncritically. Instead, we assess both the strengths and weaknesses of this approach. A key element that makes it appealing to many authoritarian states is that it offers a narrative of digital convenience and progress, sold to the population as a means of reducing time pressure and stress, with strong state-tech partnerships at its core.
What seems to be missing in Europe, in contrast, is a compelling, democratic vision for digital governance – one that balances innovation and economic growth with political stability and the protection of rights. This sense of vision, or the lack thereof, applies to both ongoing scholarly and policy debates across regimes.
The book Governing Digital China was launched at an online event on 24 September 2025, co-hosted by the Centre for Digital Governance and the Institute for Data and AI at the University of Birmingham. The event featured a lively discussion of the book’s key themes and findings with authors Professor Daniela Stockmann and Professor Ting Luo, joined by Professor Phil Howard as discussant and Dr Martin Wählisch as moderator.
You can already pre-order your copy of Governing Digital China from Cambridge University Press. The book is also available as an e-book. Use the discount code GDC2025 during checkout to receive 20% off your purchase.
The Hertie School is not responsible for any content linked or referred to from these pages. Views expressed by the author/interviewee may not necessarily reflect the views and values of the Hertie School.
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Daniela Stockmann, Professor of Digital Governance | Director, Centre for Digital Governance